January 2010


Couple of years ago I wrote my diploma thesis about the narration of trauma after mass rapes. The events from Bosnia and Herzegovina were discussed frequently in the academic world, so I thought this could make an excellent example. Finding literature was not a problem, but figures and data that would weigh as evidence were scarce.

How many women were raped during the conflict in Bosnia and Herzegovina? Government in Sarajevo has claimed 50,000-60,000 rape victims, EU 20,000 and AI was stating that the real figure lies between 20,000 and 50,000. However, no one was referring to a specific period. It seemed that all the data was gathered in 1992 alone and that in the later years data on sexual violence was never assessed.

In 2005/06 a Bosnian movie Grbavica (awarded with a Golden Bear at Berlin Film Festival) opened the discussion about the life after the rape, the trauma and the ‘rape children’. The story of protagonist Esma, a single mother not revealing the identity of her daughter’s father, is a narration of trauma of many women in Bosnia. However, do we know how many?

I came across an article quoting a UNICEF’s survey on the war born children, but I never found the survey. Apparently, it was removed from the eyes of the public on the request of the Bosnian Government. One of the arguments was that the figures would raise too many questions and obstruct reconciliation. Moreover, it would also unleash questions about the destiny of born-out-of-rape children in Bosnia. In particularly, UNICEF’s survey would open the Pandora’s Box and unleash stories of infanticide, waifs, abused and trafficked children.

Post-conflict societies are notorious for the thirst for revenge that manifests itself in post-conflict ‘cleansings’. As Johan Galtung explains, practices normalized in the conflict transfer into the social tissue after the conflict: “the relief that violence is over may make people blind to the invisible, long-lasting consequences of violence (such as traumas and desire for more glory and revenge), and blind to how cultures, structures and actors may have become more violent”.

Apart from NGOs and some scholars, the movie Grbavica remains a lonely advocate for war children’s rights. Thanks to the ability of the moving pictures to narrate trauma, Grbavica gave a voice to mothers that had to hide their children’s identity in order to protect them from a society gone violent.

A part of the legacy of an armed conflict is rape. As society awakes from its violent past it wants to forget the horrors of war, particularly rape. However, not dealing with the trauma of sexual violence creates a risk for a culture of impunity to emerge. Therefore, victims and perpetrators of rape and other forms of sexual violence must be address at the beginning of the peacebuilding process.

Disarmament, Demobilization and Reintegration (DDR) is the first step of peacebuilding. In its ideal form, the process should disarm former combatants and enable them a return to a civil life. On the other hand, it should also prepare the communities to accept them. Since sexual violence has become a weapon of war, it has to be included in DDR:

Medical screenings have to be designed to detect STI among female and male former combatants and treatment available at the demobilization cantonment sites. Cases of severe gynecological injuries should be redirected to medical centers without excluding the victims from further DDR activities. Reintegration programs for female combatants have to include childcare, otherwise the majority of women cannot participate. Programs have to be tailored to deal with rape trauma, stigmatization, children born out of rape, reproductive health. Parallel to this, awareness has to be raised among former combatants on sexual violence as a war crime and a crime against humanity as a first step to transitional justice, with an emphasis that every single rape constitutes a war crime.

Only after all of this has been done we can start to hope that spillover of rape from conflict to peacetime will be minimized.

Tim Hetherington‘s Liberian War Graffiti

During the armed conflict in Liberia (1989-2003), rape and other forms of sexual violence were used as a weapon of war. An estimated 40 percent of the Liberian population was affected by sexual violence during the 14 years of civil conflict. Although weapons were laid aside in 2003, the wartime practice of sexual assault continues. In present-day Liberia, rape and other forms of sexual violence are still one of the most reported serious crimes.

According to one of the most thorough surveys on sexual violence in Liberia, Sexual Gender-Based Violence and Health Facility Needs Assessment (WHO, 2005), 72 percent of women and girls have experienced rape (oral, vaginal and/or anal) during the conflict. Moreover, 70 percent of all raped women and girls had been gang raped, and 24 percent had been raped with an object or had been penetrated with an object after the rape.

“After being raped by five men, they stretched me apart and inserted a motor pestle in my vagina. Until now, I still have pain inside me.” (testimony in WHO’s 2005 survey)

In some cases, rape took place in front of the family members. In that way, the whole family was humiliated and suffered the trauma.

I was forcibly taken into the bush with my three children and husband by the LPC fighters under the accusation of [trying to kill] “General War Boss” and “General Kill the Bitch”. We have always been accused and tortured by these rebels because many of us are Bassa by tribe. My husband was tied to a thorny tree; black driver ants were put all over his body while I was raped as a pregnant women in front of my three children by four LPC fighters.”(testimony in Kenneth Cain, Rape of Dinah, 1999)

Pregnant women were particularly targeted as the carried the offspring of the ‘enemy’. As the civil war spilled over to Sierra Leone, operation ‘No Baby Living’ was performed under Charles Taylor’s command. Pregnant women and their unborn babies became targets of Taylor’s rebels:

“[t]here are numerous reports of fighters moving among the displaced of various areas looking for pregnant women. When they find one they gamble on the sex of the unborn baby. They cut the mother’s womb open and pull out the baby to see who won the bet. The mother and the baby are then thrown to the side of the road, as the fighters go looking for their next victim.” (testimony of UNOMIL’s Chief of Security in Kenneth Cain, Rape of Dinah, 1999)

Seven years after the peace accords, rape proves to be a troubling legacy of Liberian war. One of the few journalists constantly reminding of the post-conflict impunities is Nicholas D. Kristof of the New York Times. According to his article (NY Times, Nicholas Kristof) 12 percent of girls under the age of 17 have experienced sexual assault in Liberia. The Government, NGOs and the international community are coming up with campaigns to stop rape and improving the legislative protection and police procedures. However, the crucial opportunity to mitigate the spillovers of the war culture into post-war life in Liberia has not been seized. On that tomorrow …

Every armed conflict has its death toll and its rape toll. Last year, according to the HIIK, 31 high-intensity violent conflicts were raging in the world. Therefore, women, men and children were victims of sexual violence in at least 31 countries/regions. Why does an earthquake get all the attention? Do we only have compassion (and media space) for disasters of nature? What about the wonton cruelty of humankind – can we digest figures of rape?

After the Cold War, the nature of war has changed considerably. No longer did solders stand against soldiers, but rather armed factions against civilians. What used to be part of an after-battle looting became the main strategy of war making. In former Yugoslavia women were held in so called rape camps; in Bosnia and Herzegovina alone around 50,000 were raped in 1992, but it was 1994 Rwanda that topped everything we knew about the cruelty and extent to which rape can be committed. In less than a year more than 250,000 women and girls were raped; forms “varied and included individual rape; gang-rape; rape with sticks, guns, or other objects; sexual enslavement; forced marriage; forced labor; and sexual mutilation” (Human Rights Watch).

This week I will focus on the abyss of human behavior. Why does the international community lack the political will to stop systematic sexual violence? With the crucial verdict in Kunarac Case at the ICTY*, a groundbreaking international jurisprudence was achieved: even a single rape in war counts as a war crime! A decade of civil wars later, the prosecution of sexual violence under international humanitarian law is still ineffective, the norm responsibility to protect deteriorated to an empty wording, and media editors find stories of raped nations too cruel to print. (Ah, as long as we know with whom Paris had dinner last night!)

* International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia

Tikal, Guatemala

It is no secret that the presidential seat is reserved for no one else than the current president of Sudan Omar Hasan al-Bashir. Apparently, an agreement was reached between the Bashir’s National Congress Party and the Sudan People’s Liberation Movement (the strongest party of the South), that the seat of the president should go to a familiar face, and no one is more familiar in Sudan than al-Bashir.

ICC’s indictment against al-Bashir for orchestrating war crimes and crimes against humanity in Darfur does not stand in the way of his election. In fact, charges of mass murder, torture and rape, did not delegitimize his political persona, they only made him stronger. Without a doubt, a leader that can mock the most serious indictment possible under international humanitarian law and get away with it, has guaranteed himself a place above the law. The illogical starts to make sense. Why would Sudanese vote for a wanted war criminal? Actually, they do not see him as such. They will cast their votes for the untouchable, the al-Bashir that proved to be above the law of the international community.

The leaders of South Sudan are supporting al-Bashir in exchange for a tolerant approach to Southern independence in 2011. However, would al-Bashir really let go of the goose that lays the golden eggs? Southern oil fields are the source of Sudan’s power; without them, the country looses the most of its attraction for foreign investment. Therefore, can the Southern Sudanese trust in al-Bashir?

As may be easily foreseen, after the elections the North may continue supporting the violent ethnic clashes in the South. Moreover, I am afraid a conflict will escalate just before the referendum, giving the North the opportunity to postpone the referendum for an indefinite time. No referendum, no independence for South Sudan.

Sudanese stand in front of a crucial task. A whole generation grew up since the last multi-party elections were held in 1986. Whether those were conceived in a democratic spirit differs on the geographical location: “we  heard  one  educated Sudanese, a Northerner, enthuse about  the multi-party election of 1986, describing it as a genuine moment  of democratic participation  for  all  Sudanese;  and  an  equally  educated Sudanese,  a  Southerner,  say,  ‘Was  there  an  election  in  1986?  Yes,  yes,  there  was  an election! But it was run by the army! It was not an election. It was run by the army(Rift Valley Institute, the Sudan Election History Project)

In less than 90 days Sudanese are about to vote on the most extensive elections in Sudan’s history. They will cast multiple ballots voting for six different posts:

  1. President of the Republic
  2. President of the Government of Southern Sudan
  3. Governors of the States
  4. Members of the National Assembly
  5. Members of the Southern Sudan Assembly
  6. Members of states’ assemblies.

In Sudan, more than just the security situation is disturbing. How is a nation, with half of its adult population not being able to read and write, going to cross the candidate of their choice?  With non-existing basic infrastructure, how will voters to commute to polling stations? By the way, who has the right to vote in Sudan? Reports of alleged fraud of the voters’ registration process leave no hope that elections will build a ‘national’ momentum among people living on the territory known as Sudan.

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